Paleolitico Superior en la Cueva de Gorham, Gibraltar. Avance al estudio del registro arqueologico y arte parietal

 Gutiérrez López, Jose Mª , Santiago Pérez, A., Finlayson, Clive, Barton, N.,Giles Pacheco, Francisco, The Gibraltar Caves Project.

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El Peñón de Gibraltar y su Bahía son las zonas que han experimentado una multiplicación más notable en el conocimiento de registros arqueológicos del Paleolítico Superior. Este hecho ha tenido lugar tanto en la vertiente de los asentamientos de hábitat, con los yacimientos de La Fontanilla en Conil, Cuevas de Levante y Cubeta de la Paja en los rebordes de la antigua laguna de la Janda, Torre Almirante, desembocadura del río Palmones, en la Bahía de Gibraltar, y Peñón de Gibraltar, con en destacadísimo ejemplo de arte paleolítico en el Tajo de las Figuras, la Cueva del Moro en Tarifa y la cueva de Gorham en Gibraltar.

Este último yacimiento es un Santuario Paleolítico, descubierto por nosotros en 1994, se publican las primeras impresiones en la monografía de AEQUA, Gibraltar During Cuaternary. A partir de 1995 R. Balbín y Primitiva Bueno, realizan un estudio previo con fotogramas y calcos infrarrojos, obteniendo nuevas impresiones de los conjuntos pictóricos y grabados, con representaciones de prótomos de caballos, cápridos que corresponde al estilo clásico definido como Magdaleniense, correspondiente a ocupaciones posiblemente estacionales relacionadas con actividades especializadas en la costa. En los últimos registros paleontológicos hemos detectado presencia de macroictiofauna identificable por vértebras de túnidos de medio y gran tamaño. 

En el Nivel IIIB (horizonte basal), en las campañas de 1997 al 2000, hemos detectado una serie de elementos decorativos, destacando colgantes realizados sobre caninos a atróficos de ciervo, perforados e intensamente alisados y pulidos con pieles (según primera impresión de Yolanda Fernández, tafónoma del Proyecto  Gibraltar Cave´s Project). Igualmaente destacamos una azagaya de sección circular y base biselada de adscripción posiblemente al Solutrense Superior o primera fase del Magdaleniense. 

La industria lítica se caracteriza por la tecnología laminar en silex y jaspes locales, puntas de retoque plano, foliaceos, raspadores sobre láminas, buriles y laminillas de dorso, en la actualidad en fase de estudio y atribuible posiblemente a un nivel de ocupación del Solutrense superior. 

El registro óseo es especialmente denso. Entre los grandes mamíferos destacan el ciervo (Cervus elaphus, Capra montes (Capra pyrenayca) generalmente de juveniles. De hervíboros sólo hay un ejemplar de Bos sp y Sus sp. Carnívoros identificamos Canis lupus, Felis silvestris (gato montes), Vulpes vulpes (zorro), numerosas piezas dentarias de hiena, igualmente pertenecientes a molares y caninos juveniles, Felis pardus, etc. Las aves están igualmente representadas todas las especies europeas migratorias y autóctonas del Sur de la Península Ibérica.


 

Cueva Bajondillo (Torremolinos, Málaga) y el tránsito Paleolítico Medio - Superior en la mitad meridional de la Península Ibérica

 Ana Baldomero Navarro (1), Miguel Cortés Sánchez (2), José E. Ferrer Palma (1), Ignacio Marques Merelo (1), María D. Simón Vallejo (3)

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Cueva Bajondillo constituye, junto a yacimientos como Carigüela, Gorham´s cave o Nerja, uno de los enclaves arqueológicos de secuencia más amplia del sur de la Península Ibérica que, en el caso que nos ocupa, representa un tramo temporal que abarca distintos momentos del Pleistoceno Superior y Holoceno inicial.

La secuencia crono-cultural de Cueva Bajondillo ha sido dividida, en base a criterios tecno-tipológicos, en tres grandes segmentos con vestigios propios del Paleolítico Medio (seis estratos), Paleolítico Superior (Auriñaciense sensu lato, Gravetiense y Solutrense) y Neolítico.

Al objeto de imbricar esta asignación de orden tecno-cultural en su contexto geológico regional y local, así como dotar del preciso marco cronoestratigráfico y paleoambiental de la serie arqueológica, se diseñó un programa de muestreo y análisis de la secuencia estratigráfica llevado a cabo durante el verano de 2000.  

Durante esta campaña se ha analizado una parte significativa del perfil, que comprendía un lienzo de unos 9  m. de longitud por unos 6 m. de altura máxima, del cual se ha obtenido un pormenorizado muestreo microestratigráfico, palinológico… y extraído diversas muestras destinadas a la obtención de fechas de cronología absoluta (C14/AMS, Th/U y TL) que permitan vertebrar el contexto cronológico y paleoambiental que representa su secuencia. Novedades que pretendemos dar como primicia en la reunión y que a buen seguro sirven para perfilar mejor la sustitución tecnológica Musteriense-Paleolítico Superior Inicial en contexto del ámbito meridional de la Península Ibérica. 

Circunscribiéndonos al tema de la reunión, podemos avanzar que la localización del yacimiento y su vigencia diacrónica durante el Paleolítico Medio parece responder de una parte a una planificación territorial estacional de la cuenca fluvial de unos de los principales ríos de la vertiente mediterránea andaluza (río Guadalhorce), de otra a las peculiares condiciones microclimáticas donde se inserta el yacimiento y finalmente a la diversificada oferta de recursos subsistenciales y abióticos que ofrece el territorio donde se inscribe Cueva Bajondillo. 

En lo relativo a la sustitución de los tecnocomplejos musterienses por industrias leptolíticas, asimilables propiamente al Paleolítico Superior Inicial, apreciamos la superposición sobre una conjunto Musteriense (Estrato 14), enriquecido en muescas y denticulados, de industrias regidas por esquemas operativos ligados a la obtención de hojas y hojitas, asimiladas por los atributos tecnotipológicos reconocidos a un Auriñaciense sensu lato  (Niveles 11 a 13). 

En el apartado subsistencial, parecen existir procesos postdeposicionales, en estudio, que sesgan de modo significativo el registro faunístico, sobre todo en lo referente a restos óseos. Este hecho ocasiona una grave limitación a la hora de realizar inferencias económicas contrastadas.  

Estas circunstancias no afectaron del mismo modo al registro malacológico, aunque tampoco carente de otras incidencias, ligadas en gran medida a la fragilidad de este tipo de vestigios, pero al menos permiten reafirmar la existencia de un aprovechamiento “oportunista y complementario” de algunos recursos malacológicos marinos durante el Paleolítico Medio.

New perspectives on Neanderthal evolution and extinction

Chris Stringer, Dept of Palaeontology, The Natural History Museum, London SW7 5BD

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About thirty five thousand years ago, there was a remarkable juxtaposition in Europe of late Neanderthals and early modern humans.  Our main method of physical dating, radiocarbon, does not give us great accuracy during this critical period of time, but is sufficient to suggest that the two populations were broadly  contemporaneous within regions, even if we cannot yet establish that they co-existed in the same valleys or even sites. This juxtaposition is also marked by what some archaeologists see as a major technological and behavioural revolution, one that occurred around the time modern humans arrived in Europe. In my view, there is good anatomical evidence that Neanderthals and modern humans are more different from each other than today’s human populations are different from each other, and that is as true when we compare Neanderthals and their approximate contemporaries as it is when comparing the skeletons of Neanderthals and recent humans. Ancient DNA recovery has helped significantly with interpretation of the morphological data because it is largely independent of it. Extracting authentic ancient human DNA has proved very difficult, but several Neanderthals have yielded mitochondrial DNA, with four sequences (from three individuals) published so far. Although some workers have claimed the results are uninformative, or can be manipulated to support the view that Neanderthal genes survive today, the most straightforward interpretation of the data is that Neanderthals had their own, distinct, population variation, they diverged from the modern human lineage during the Middle Pleistocene, and they are now extinct. However, the Neanderthals were clearly very closely related to us, and neither the fossil nor DNA data rule out the possibility of some hybridisation between Neanderthals and modern humans, for example, during their period of overlap in Europe about 35,000 years ago. Such a species would have been very closely related to us genetically, and many comparable species of mammal can hybridise - for example, lions and tigers, dogs and wolves, even African and Indian elephants.

The real question is whether the species merged, and in my opinion we have scant evidence of that for the Neanderthals and Cro-Magnons, since their core populations seem to have remained distinct. A putative hybrid child from Lagar Velho in Portugal has recently been described, but it is certainly possible that its Neanderthal-like body proportions are the result of parallel cold-adaptation in an early modern population (the Atlantic Ocean off the coast of Portugal was some 10ºC colder than today at, or shortly before, the time this child was alive). Nevertheless, such hybridisation could have occurred, but the question remains on what scale, and with what impact on later populations? A small degree of hybridisation could easily have been lost in subsequent demographic changes that geneticists have modeled for the Upper Palaeolithic from recent European mitochondrial and Y-chromosome DNA variation. For example, one recent study has suggested that most European mitochondrial lineages derive from post-Last Glacial Maximum population expansion.  

However, whatever the outcome of these debates, recent research on Neanderthal behaviour certainly requires us to modify our views of their capabilities. The evidence seems compelling that they buried their dead, although claims that this was accompanied by flowers at Shanidar now seem suspect. Similarly, two separate studies of a claimed Neanderthal flute from Slovenia suggest that this was actually the product of cave bear, rather than human, activity. However, finds made over 30 years ago at the French site of Grotte du Renne (Arcy-sur-Cure) suggest that some of the last Neanderthals made pendants from animal teeth.  While some workers have questioned the stratigraphic integrity of the site, others accept the evidence, but interpret it very differently. Could the Neanderthals have done this independently, or only under the influence of neighbouring Cro-Magnons ? And in contrast to the prevailing view that Neanderthals did not use marine resources, our excavations at Vanguard Cave in Gibraltar have demonstrated that their varied diet included baked mussels harvested at least a kilometre away. Such complex behaviours show us that even if the Neanderthals were not our ancestors, they were fully human. So when we come to consider Neanderthal extinction, we need to explore a variety of possible scenarios beyond rapid replacement, including a combination of resource competition from early modern humans (ultimately, but perhaps not immediately, derived from Africa), and the impact of repeated millennial-scale climatic fluctuations.

 

The Neandertal Paradox

Erik Trinkaus, Department of Anthropology, Washington University, St. Louis MO, USA 

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It is two decades since Out-of-Africa models of Neandertal extinction were first proposed (Kurtén, Trinkaus & Bräuer), albeit ones with significant admixture between autochthonous Neandertals and in-dispersing early modern humans.  Twenty years of research and debate are formulating a consensus that strict models of continuity or replacement in the Neandertal geographical range are intellectually deceased, and the current issue is the degree to which, and where and when, Neandertals contributed to early modern human gene pools.  Paleontologically, an Out-of-Africa model for European modern human emergence is supported only by European early Upper Paleolithic body proportions and nasal aperture morphology and, indirectly, by the chronological priority of a modern human morphology in the northeastern African ecozone.  Extant human molecular data are largely inconclusive, since their interpretation is dependent upon the assumptions and algorithms employed for their analysis, and fossil human mtDNA can be employed to support a range of phylogenetic interpretations (especially given the inherent bias in the sampling fossil DNA).  At the same time, the persistence of Neandertal limb segment proportions, incisor morphology, mandibular traits and nasal morphology in some early Upper Paleolithic individuals argues for some degree of assimilation of the Neandertals.   

Yet, in this strictly phylogenetic debate, the relevant biological question has been largely, but not entirely, relegated to a secondary role, a role solely to support one or another phylogenetic interpretation of European modern human emergence.  The question remains: what was the nature of the biological and cultural changes associated with the dispersal and evolutionary success of early modern humans?   In this approach, the persistent tendency to describe the Neandertals as specialized, uniquely derived (autapomorphic), human dodos, etc. is irrelevant, since all delimitable biological groups are by definition uniquely derived and all ultimately evolutionarily more successful groups are by inference adaptively superior. 

Most considerations of this issue have tended to view the Neandertals, relative to early modern humans, as behaviorally identical or, in contrast, distinctly inferior.  This has created a paradox, in which the Neandertals are simultaneously viewed as the same as and different from early modern humans in their adaptive patterns.  A consideration of current analyses of (here principally paleontological) reflections of Neandertal and early modern human adaptive behavior reinforces this paradox. 

In such comparisons, it needs to be emphasized that the comparative samples are principally those from before (OIS 4 and early OIS 3 Middle Paleolithic Neandertals) and after (later OIS 3 Gravettian early modern humans) the transition.  No securely dated European early modern humans are older than ca.32 ka, and only St. Césaire 1 and Vindija G1 fossils provide relevant Upper Paleolithic Neandertal data. 

The biobehavioral contrasts between the Neandertals and earlier Upper Paleolithic early modern humans (EUP-EMH) are multiple.  They involve non-masticatory use of the anterior dentition, reflected in dental arcade proportions, relative incisor attrition rates and relative incisor beveling angles, all of which indicate greater use of the dentition for manipulative purposes among the Neandertals.  This is paralleled with a host of reflections of relatively greater upper limb muscular hypertrophy among the Neandertals, including scapular breadth, thoracohumeral muscular insertions, cubital muscle moment arms, pronation muscular moment arms, extrinsic and intrinsic manual muscle moment arms, opponens muscle hypertrophy, and apical tuft dimensions.  These are accompanied by cubital and carpometacarpal articular shifts implying greater use of power grips among the Neandertals and an increased emphasis on precision grips in the EUP-EMH.  In the lower limb, there are reflections of greater anteroposterior loading of the femora among EUP-EMH, related to mobility patterns. 

At the same time, the incidence of trauma, if not necessarily the pattern, decreases markedly among the EUP-EMH.  This probably reflects increasing sophistication of projectile technology.  There is an associated dramatic decrease in developmental stress, indicated by modest dental enamel hypoplasia frequencies, and there is a prolonged survival of individuals with serious congenital abnormalities.  Both of these paleopathological indicators are accompanied by an increase in older adults, reflecting lower stress levels and increased demographic stability, both of which may have been aided by the variable but increasing breadth and evenness of the exploited resources (as indicated by stable isotopes). 

It must be emphasized that late, Upper Paleolithic, Neandertals (to the limited extent preserved) exhibit a mosaic of these features.  The St. Césaire 1 femur exhibits the loading pattern seen in EUP-EMH femora and its humerus has the deltoid emphasis evident in early EUP-EMH humeri such as Vogelherd 3, but its anterior dental pattern and forearm muscle moment arms are similar to those of the Neandertals.  The Vindija G1 stable isotopes overlap Neandertal and EUP-EMH ranges of variation.  Other contrasting features are currently unknown for the latest Neandertals or earliest EUP-EMH. 

The emerging similarities between these groups are also multiple.  There is little if any difference in encephalization or, to the extent assessable, brain organization.  Craniofacial robusticity and masticatory hypertrophy is the same, despite contrasts in prognathism.  The locomotor apparatus exhibits similar levels of robusticity, once ecogeographical differences in body shape are taken into account.  This is evident in lower limb articular, diaphyseal and muscular reflections of hypertrophy, indicating similar levels of mobility and burden carrying.  Stable isotope analyses indicate that the Neandertals, as well as the EUP-EMH, were effective predators of terrestrial game.  And some Neandertals were surviving for a few years with congenital difficulties and pronounced degenerative stress.  These paleontological reflections of behavior similarities are joined by archeological reflections, including (among the Neandertals) intentional burials, faunal profiles and damage patterns, late regional survival, and body ornaments in the initial Upper Paleolithic. 

From this emerges a complex image of behavioral changes across the transition to early modern humans in Europe, ones which involve principally changes in manipulative behaviors and reductions in general levels of stress.  The former is almost certainly related to archeologically documented changes in technology and the second reflects a host of social, technological and organizational changes reflected in the archeological record of the late Aurignacian and particularly of the Gravettian.   None of these changes are surprising given the OIS 3 archeological changes in Europe, cultural changes which are known to be non-synchronous with the human biological transition.  Moreover, subtle changes in one Upper Paleolithic Neandertal imply that at least some of these changes occurred within late Neandertals as well as across the transition to EUP-EMH. 

The Neandertal paradox is therefore largely a product of our attempts to justify phylogenetic interpretations of European modern human emergence.  It also highlights that the adaptive advantages of the early modern humans must have been subtle, complex, and principally cutural in nature.